Palestinian refugees were granted access to some of Lebanon's labor market on December 8 last year, but most white-collar jobs remain out of reach without a Parliament vote.
Amid Lebanon's worst economic collapse in its history, denying Palestinians their ability to work exposes them to extreme financial distress, which they have already experienced overwhelmingly. Hence, came the decision of the labor minister which somehow divided the country into two blocks: one supporting the decision, and the other denouncing it due to geopolitical standpoints.
Before digging into the post-decision reactions, let us first understand what this modification to the rules entails.
Palestinians born in Lebanon, as well as non-Lebanese with a Lebanese mother or married to a Lebanese citizen, are now authorized to engage in professions governed by Lebanese orders and syndicates, according to the decree, which was published on the Labour Ministry's website.
Medicine, law, and engineering, public transportation and tourism-related vocations are among the professions governed by the syndicate. However, not all of these will be immediately open to Palestinians as a result of the new verdict, as some may require legal modifications or adjustments to the syndicates' rules to allow non-Lebanese employees into the field. Moreover, the modifications remain ineffective for Palestinians as they still require work permits to pursue certain jobs.
Another limitation is embodied in the area of receiving the full labor rights from the employers and the social security funds including having the end of work indemnities after ending their work contracts. For instance, Palestinians can still work in certain jobs yet if the employer doesn’t maintain a work permit for the Palestinian worker during his working hours, then he/she will end up deprived of receiving rights such as the end of work indemnities as the Lebanese Social Security Funds requires to see it in order to hand the money for Palestinian workers.
Nursing and physiotherapy are examples of syndicated professions that may be governed by a government decree or a law passed by Parliament. In fact, because of the significant number of Lebanese doctors and nurses leaving the nation as a result of the country's economic collapse, the Lebanese Palestinian Dialogue Committee has been striving to improve Palestinian access to healthcare. In the previous month, Parliament passed legislation permitting Palestinians to join the nurse syndicate, marking a huge change in the field.
Abdelnasser El Ayi, project manager at the Lebanese-Palestinian Dialogue Committee, told The National News that laws governing vocations organized by order, such as engineering, medicine, pharmacy, and law, may only be amended by MPs in Parliament. "Palestinian workers, engineers, or doctors are needed considering the difficult economic conditions in Lebanon," he affirms to The National. "We are ready to play our part," he continues.
Not surprisingly, the decision, which benefits the Palestinian community, has struck huge backlash and controversy all over the country, viewing the conflicting opinions on the presence of Palestinian refugees in Lebanon.
Many who have advocated for enhanced rights for Palestinians in Lebanon applauded the decision. In a statement, the Alliance of Palestinian Forces thanked the Labor Minister for his decision, stressing that it will "enlarge the boundaries of employment prospects offered to Palestinian employees."
"We are very happy if this decision can serve us and the country we live in," affirms Mustapha Abu Harb, a spokesperson for Palestinian group Fatah in Lebanon.
Additionally, in a discussion with L’Orient Today, Anis Mohsen, a Palestinian writer, researcher, and human rights activist said: "It's good for the Palestinian refugees in Lebanon, but I think some syndicates could not allow Palestinians to enter,". Mohsen takes a more realistic approach while tackling the issue, not dismissing the influence of political parties' ideologies on syndicates' decisions.
Indeed, this political affiliation influence and leaning can be also noticed in how different ministers, coming from different political parties and orientations have managed the issue at hand over the years.
Ministers' views on the country's Palestinian population, which is estimated to number around 180,000 people at the moment, have shifted.
For example, in 2019, Labor Minister Camille Abou Sleiman launched a crackdown on immigrant labor lacking licenses, resulting in the arrest of dozens of Palestinians and widespread protests in the camps.
Former labor minister Sejaan Kazzi said that Bayram’s decision “contradicts the decision issued in 2015,” adding: “This new resolution will increase the Lebanese people’s unemployment rate by 40 percent and open the door to settlement and naturalization.”
Palestinian refugees were highly attacked on social media and the decision was condemned by leading parties and figures, who warned that it was the start of a move for naturalization.
Class-A political figure, Gebran Bassil, head of the Free Patriotic Movement, denounced the decision and commented as follows, describing it as a violation of “the labor law and the constitution as it is a veiled naturalization thus it is rejected.” He urgently recalled a rejection of this decree, directing his talks towards labor syndicates especially. He also called on the Lebanese people to simply “ignore it”, qualifying it as “unacceptable”, specifically “in such circumstances”.